Writing for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Abigail Bellows observes that Russia and China are exploiting and exacerbating homegrown corruption in developing countries with the intent of buying influence and advancing their foreign policy.
She says these countries propagate a model in which officials capture and disburse state resources to a small circle of elites, whose allegiance sustains the regime in spite of its lack of public accountability.
The Biden Administration is responding to this strategic corruption by undertaking a 200-day interagency review that will culminate in a report and recommendations on making fighting corruption a core United States national security interest.
While it is a laudable proposition, it opens a new battlefront in Africa and the rest of the developing world. It creates an opportunity for the removal of unfriendly governments allied to Russia or China, which would be deemed corrupt, as has happened to those accused of harbouring terrorists and drug traffickers. It is feared that this could undermine the principle of sovereignty and compel developing countries to become mere puppets, once again, of the powerful nations.
There is yet another phenomenon: “The weaponisation of war on corruption”. Corrupt regimes are increasingly using war on corruption to settle political scores, intimidate opponents and dissidents, pursue personal interests and cling to power.
Corruption
For Kenya, the corruption war has turned into the shameless use of state resources to bribe bloggers and influencers, respected newspaper columnists and media personality to push bogus hashtags, sensational headlines and fake allegations against individuals. Arrest and arraignment of BBI opponents and allies of Deputy President William Ruto has gained momentum.
It is imperative to restate the definition of corruption: The mis(use) of public office to advance personal gains. Those using state resources, police and public administration officers to eliminate competition and promote narrow, personal interests such as the 2022 elections are the corrupt that need to be put away for a long time.
Bringing dubious corruption charges against political opponents and dissidents may have the same consequences as sedition — the favourite charge of the despotic regimes of yesteryear. The public is wise enough to see through the nonsense and can express disapproval, as in South Africa.
Demonstrates foolery
Sadly, some who were wrongly accused of sedition in the past are gleefully applauding the abuse of power by Jubilee as it persecutes and prosecutes its rebels for their political convictions. The deportation — not extradition — of Harun Aydin, a Turkish investor, for fraternising with the DP demonstrates the foolery of those who have weaponised the anti-graft effort.
In South Africa, the legal woes of former President Jacob Zuma stem from the power struggle within the ruling party, ANC. In 2018, Zuma unsuccessfully attempted to block Cyril Ramaphosa from succeeding him and, it appears, he must be punished for it. Zuma’s supporters have decried his 15-month jailing without trial and political witch-hunt reminiscent of the despised Apartheid system. He is accused of engaging in corruption 20 years ago, when Nelson Mandela was the President!
Zuma’s woes also relate to military procurements, which are often classified.
South Africa could have borrowed the script from Brazil. After three attempts, Lula da Silva became, in 2003, the 35th President. His leftist and pro-poor policies were a big hit at home and imbued a new sense of pride in this large Portuguese-speaking nation. His economic success thrust him onto the global stage, where Brazil reasserted itself as a key emerging economy.
Under house arrest
Lula’s ideals spread rapidly across South America and around the world through BRICS, which Brazil co-founded alongside Russia, China, India and South Africa. In 2011, he was succeeded by Dilma Rousseff, Brazil’s first female president and a member of his Workers Party, who did not last.
Politically instigated corruption charges caused Rousseff’s removal from office while Lula, her political mentor and predecessor, was jailed. In the subsequent elections, neither of the highly popular leaders was allowed to contest or take part in the campaigns. Lula was kept under house arrest and then moved into jail.
But after Jair Bolsonaro, a belligerent Trump-like capitalist, became President, prosecution dropped charges against Lula. Critics claimed the cases could not be sustained as they were meant to knock Rousseff and Workers Party from leadership.
It may be tempting to use state machinery to block Dr Ruto’s 2022 run by throw the Rousseff-Lula-Zuma boom at him. In my view, that would be a strategic mistake. BY DAILY NATION